For Clinton–and nervous House Democrats up for re-election–it was a badly needed win, and they didn’t wait long to gloat. Democratic leaders–who just weeks before were busy distancing themselves from the president–rushed to his side. Republicans seemed even more shocked at the outcome. House Speaker Newt Gingrich had gone into the negotiations certain he had the upper hand over the scandal-tainted Clinton. Republicans did score billions of extra dollars for the Pentagon and block White House efforts to increase regulations on the GOP-friendly oil and logging industries. But Gingrich’s team backed away from dozens of other demands. Though some House Republicans declared themselves happy with the deal–praising Gingrich for averting a government shutdown–others fumed that Clinton had gotten the better of them. ““People can’t figure it out,’’ says South Carolina Republican Mark Sanford. ““How this guy can be down and out, and now he’s the one calling the shots.''
Last summer, the president feared the Lewinsky scandal was weakening his support among House Democrats, making it all but impossible for the White House to stand tough against Republicans in the coming budget fight. Some rank-and-file members of Congress considered Clinton a political liability with voters back home. Clinton believed jittery Democrats would want to wrap up a budget deal quickly, even if it meant accepting a Republican rout. But that changed two weeks ago, when Democrats overwhelmingly voted against a GOP-sponsored impeachment inquiry.
The president needed to see how far they were willing to go to support him. The next day, he called 40 top House and Senate Democrats to a meeting in the private residence of the White House. The mood was cautious. Most had clashed with Clinton in the past, and several had publicly expressed their anger over the scandal. Clinton told them he wanted to face down Gingrich on the budget–would they be willing to stay in Washington for a protracted battle? Initially, the congressional leaders had balked. They were willing to stick around for a short fight but were anxious to get back home for the last weeks of the campaign. Clinton sweetened the pot, promising to get money for the environment and education–winning issues members could bring to the voters. In the end, the members agreed to stay for as long as it would take. The leaders trotted out to the south portico and the president put the Republicans on notice: among other things, he wanted $1.1 billion to hire 100,000 new teachers–and hinted he would veto the budget bill if he didn’t get it.
The Democrats’ new solidarity took Gingrich and his deputies by surprise. Months ago, the Republicans had concluded there would be no real budget fight. Once the Starr Report was made public, Clinton would be so politically crippled that the GOP leadership would simply roll over the president. Now Gingrich had reason to worry. The veto threat meant the president could hold Republican programs–and GOP members–hostage in Washington unless they met his demands. Republicans were still reeling from the 1995 budget debacle, when they outraged the public by refusing to compromise–leading to a three-week-long government shutdown.
Gingrich wasn’t going to let that happen again. Republicans pared back their expectations and began cutting deals. They fought for and won $9 billion in extra funds for defense programs and provisions against Internet porn and fought to shrink funds for White House-backed initiatives. But Gingrich didn’t push Clinton far. Republicans denied Democrats money to refurbish public schools, but in the end the president actually walked away with $1 million more than the $1.1 billion he had demanded for teachers.
The White House victory comes at a price. Sensing the Treasury doors were open, members of both parties engaged in the age-old practice of tucking pet programs into the mammoth budget–hoping they’d slip by unnoticed. North Carolina Republican Sen. Lauch Faircloth wanted $9.8 million to move a lighthouse in his state 1,600 feet inland. Texas Reps. Charles Stenholm and Henry Bonilla requested cash to increase mohair subsidies. One senior House Democrat roamed the halls telling colleagues to get what they needed, because ““Christmas has come early.’’ The extra spending infuriated budget hawks, who fumed that the pork projects were eating into the hard-won budget surplus that took Congress years of discipline to get. But with just a few weeks left until the election, no one is listening to the Grinches.
Republicans and Democrats both claimed victory in last week’s $500 billion budget agreement, compromising on many issues and averting a shutdown. What each side got:
The White House pressured the GOP to accept a sweeping $6 billion aid package to help farmers and ranchers recover from crop losses and falling prices– $2.8 billion more than Republican leaders wanted.
The White House won $2.7 billion for global warming and clean-water programs–and upped funds for endangered species. The GOP blocked increased royalty fees for oil companies drilling on federal lands.
Republicans won the day, awarding the Pentagon a $9 billion budget increase–the largest since Ronald Reagan was president. Not included: White House-backed proposal to raise military pension benefits.
Republicans agreed to Democratic demands requiring federal employee health-care plans to cover contraceptives. Republicans went along but insisted that doctors with moral objections could refuse to prescribe them.
The president held out for a $1.1 billion “down payment” to hire 100,000 teachers–and he threatened a veto if he didn’t get it. But Republicans refused to allow additional money to build and refurbish aging public schools.
The White House and GOP split their differences: Republicans increased the number of high-tech workers allowed into the country–115,000, up from 65,000. Democrats won green cards for 50,000 Haitian refugees.
